{"id":4366,"date":"2026-06-30T05:04:55","date_gmt":"2026-06-30T05:04:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/relocationtimess.com\/?p=4366"},"modified":"2026-06-30T05:04:55","modified_gmt":"2026-06-30T05:04:55","slug":"how-the-supreme-court-became-a-power-that-is-reshaping-america","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/relocationtimess.com\/?p=4366","title":{"rendered":"How the Supreme Court became a power that is reshaping America"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n Sometimes, these days, it feels like the Supreme Court is running the country.\n <\/p>\n

\n The nine justices are being repeatedly called upon to adjudicate the most charged disputes that spring from the fault lines of a nation split into ideological halves and that other malfunctioning institutions have failed to decisively solve.\n <\/p>

Read more US Sen. Dan Sullivan\u2019s same-name challenger can be on primary ballot, Alaska Supreme Court rules<\/a><\/p>\n

\n They are also incessantly dragged into the fray by Donald Trump, a president who has been as good as his promises to initiate massive constitutional disruption and who often even leverages cases he loses to sharpen his political ax.\n <\/p>\n

\n Amid the Trump storm, the court is curating modern mores on social issues that may change the country\u2019s character; remodeling aspects of the electoral system; and tackling culture-war controversies embedded in the president\u2019s political project, such as transgender rights and who is entitled to be a citizen.\n <\/p>\n

\n To a lay person, the court\u2019s decisive voice on the country\u2019s most intractable questions has often made it seem like a governing force itself, rather than the modest branch that Chief Justice John Roberts has said simply calls legal and constitutional balls and strikes. The contrast is stark between the dynamism of the court\u2019s intellectual jousting and Congress, which has either forgotten how to legislate change or voluntarily ceded its power to the White House.\n <\/p>\n

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\"Chief<\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n<\/div>\n
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\nChief Justice John Roberts speaks to the Georgetown Law School graduating class in Washington, DC, on May 12, 2025.<\/span>\n<\/div>\n
Manuel Balce Ceneta\/AP\/File<\/figcaption>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n A flurry of recent Supreme Court rulings thrown up by Trump\u2019s perpetual attempts to test the limits of his authority \u2014 and a victory for the president on Monday that could allow him to gut the leadership of quasi-independent government agencies \u2014 highlight a growing trend. The court is not simply ruling on where power in America\u2019s political system lies; it\u2019s actively reapportioning it.\n <\/p>\n

\n It\u2019s hardly the first time in history that the court has found itself in the white heat of politics. Its rulings at the time of time of slavery and braking President Franklin Roosevelt\u2019s New Deal programs also came amid political maelstroms. In Barack Obama\u2019s presidency, the court legalized same-sex marriage in a landmark ruling that fleetingly seemed to augur a more liberal era. And the overturning of the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022 delivered a famous political victory decades in the making for evangelicals and the conservative legal movement.\n <\/p>\n

\nWhy the court can\u2019t escape the partisan echo chamber<\/strong>\n<\/h2>\n

\n The second Trump term has pushed the court into especially volatile terrain.\n <\/p>\n

\n There are several reasons why almost every move the Roberts Court makes is being seen through a hugely partisan lens, even if justices in their books and interviews often point out that most rulings do not split on ideological lines.\n <\/p>\n

\n One superficial factor is that the public learns about tensions between justices themselves in news coverage and on social media, like the exchange between Justices Samuel Alito and Sonia Sotomayor last week. Searing dissents also now regularly solidify outsiders\u2019 impressions of the court as an ideological bear pit.\n <\/p>\n

\n Democrats\u2019 perceptions of the conservative majority are also irrevocably colored by their sense that it was conceived through chicanery, after Senate Republicans blocked Obama\u2019s final nominee to the court pending a looming election but rushed Trump\u2019s pick, Amy Coney Barrett, under similar circumstances after the death of liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in 2020.\n <\/p>\n

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\nPresident Donald Trump speaks with reporters in the Oval Office of the White House on Monday, June 29, in Washington, DC.<\/span>\n<\/div>\n
Jacquelyn Martin\/AP<\/figcaption>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n And Trump\u2019s constant attacks on rulings that he deems unfair and misperception that justices he nominated should be loyal to him rather than the Constitution hardly serve the court.\n <\/p>\n

\n But there\u2019s a more profound reason the court is seen as enabling Trump: its views on expansive executive power. Roberts spent formative years as a staffer in Ronald Reagan\u2019s White House, where conservative thinkers were incubating the theory of the unitary executive \u2014 a much more powerful president.\n <\/p>\n

\n The conceit reached its apogee in the Supreme Court just as a president who\u2019d recaptured power determined to stretch his office up to and even beyond its constitutional limits.\n <\/p>\n

\n In recent years, some Supreme Court decisions have seemed to embolden Trump\u2019s view that his power is almost limitless \u2014 none more so than a decision in 2024 arising from Trump\u2019s criminal cases that held that former presidents enjoy broad immunity for official acts undertaken in office.\n <\/p>\n

\n The conservative majority\u2019s perceived skepticism to corporate regulation also seems a good fit for Trump, as he seems to be trying to reverse decades of policy aimed at limiting synergies between great wealth and political power.\n <\/p>\n

\n On Monday, in a case related to Trump\u2019s firing of a Federal Trade Commissioner, the court reversed a 1935 precedent that had allowed Congress to restrict the president\u2019s authority to dismiss agency heads to ensure their independence.\n <\/p>

Read more Trump posts apparent AI-generated image of large, golden eagle affixed to Truman Balcony<\/a><\/p>\n

\n One of the architects of the law setting up the FTC in 1914 was Nevada Sen. Francis Newlands, who held white supremacist views considered extreme even at the time, but was more future-oriented in hoping to quash giant 19th-century industrial trusts that strangled market capitalism and corrupted the political system. \u201cIt is essential that it should not be open to the suspicion of any partisan direction,\u201d Newlands was quoted as saying of the new agency by newspapers at the time.\n <\/p>\n

\n But Trump\u2019s FTC victory could allow him to install political operatives at the FTC or similar agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and the National Labor Relations Board, weakening a century of protections.\n <\/p>\n

\n The president hailed the FTC ruling on Truth Social as \u201cThe Greatest Increase in Presidential Power in the last 100 years.\u201d\n <\/p>\n

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\nRebecca Kelly Slaughter, one of two Democratic members of the Federal Trade Commission fired by President Donald Trump, speaks with CNN on Wednesday, March 19, 2025.<\/span>\n<\/div>\n
CNN<\/figcaption>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n Rebecca Kelly Slaughter, the former FTC commissioner fired by Trump who brought the unsuccessful case against him, said the president should be taken at his word. \u201cThe FTC \u2026 (is) the agency Congress set up to be bipartisan, multimember and independent in order for it to be able to check the most powerful corporations in the country and keep them from getting ahead by cheating and lying to the American people and enriching themselves at the people\u2019s expense,\u201d Slaughter told CNN\u2019s Erin Burnett on Monday.\n <\/p>\n

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\nThe Court handed down opinions involving the firing of federal officials and mail ballots<\/span>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<\/div>\n

\nWhen Congress retreated, the Supreme Court stepped up <\/strong>\n<\/h2>\n

\n A second core reason why the Supreme Court seems to have so much relative power is that it is operating in a vacuum left by the failure of Congress to legislate effectively. For instance, some recent immigration cases brought before the Supreme Court might have been moot had lawmakers been able to pass comprehensive immigration reform.\n <\/p>\n

\n In a case in point, the court\u2019s conservative majority last week gave Trump a major victory by limiting the role of courts in adjudicating the cases of people from nations such as war-torn Syria and Haiti granted temporary protected status to stay in the US. A sweeping new immigration law \u2014 which seems impossible in today\u2019s febrile political environment \u2014 might have long ago clarified the status of such beneficiaries.\n <\/p>\n

\n The Roberts Court has not always facilitated the president\u2019s policies or powers. For instance, in one of the most significant rulings in years, the court in February held that the law does not authorize the president to use emergency powers to impose tariffs. This immediately shredded one of Trump\u2019s most iconic policies, on trade \u2014 an issue that, like immigration, helped power his political rise.\n <\/p>\n

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\nGreenery frames the Supreme Court in Washington, DC, on June 22.<\/span>\n<\/div>\n
Kylie Cooper\/Reuters<\/figcaption>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n And Trump absorbed another defeat Monday, when Roberts and Barrett joined the court\u2019s three liberals to reject a Republican National Committee challenge to a Mississippi law that allows certain ballots to be tallied if they are received after Election Day. The case offered rare good news to voting campaigners, since the Roberts Court has repeatedly diluted the 1965 Voting Rights Act, a cornerstone civil rights law.\n <\/p>\n

\n Rulings that do cut against Trump help reinforce a paradox: As it systematically works to widen presidential powers he relishes, the Supreme Court is still one of the few functioning governmental institutions that rein him in.\n <\/p>\n

\n Lower courts have also sometimes slowed Trump\u2019s second term \u2014 from his populist trade agenda through to the now-reversed attempt to stamp his name on the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts.\n <\/p>\n

\n But Trump has prevailed on sufficient occasions \u2014 or simply outraced methodical judicial process \u2014 to undeniably expand the scope of his office.\n <\/p>\n

\n Somewhere, a future Democratic president may be eyeing Trump\u2019s precedents and strategizing how to erase his legacy, presuming the court retains its doctrine of executive power if the White House changes hands.\n <\/p>\n

\n But unless Congress finally reclaims its constitutional authority \u2014 and excepting the unlikely scenario of a president voluntarily ceding power \u2014 the Supreme Court will remain a pivotal player in the battles over who really runs America.\n <\/p>

Read more After mysterious four-month absence, GOP congressman plans grand return<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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